Together for Change it lacks a leader capable of winning next year’s elections by himself. Y If it succeeds, as a result of the division of Kirchnerism, the current opposition does not have the solidity to govern and produce the profound transformations that Argentina needs.. If this were to happen, the risk of a new disappointment would be very serious. It would squander the trust (perhaps forever) of a majority sector that demands the refoundation of a serious, capitalist, profoundly democratic and republican country that closes the cycle of kleptocratic populisms and authoritarians who buried Argentina in the bottomless barrel of backwardness.
The great strength of Together for Change is not its individualities, despite the fact that it has several presidential promises. Therefore, the unity of the coalition must be armored to make a leap in institutional quality and representativeness.
We must be alert because several of its most notorious figures are repeating the accumulation mechanism and the result will be an identical weakness. Here is verified that common place that is usually attributed to Einstein: “Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.”
It would be suicidal to insist on the same form of construction. Adding loose leaders, taking an exam before the red circle, traveling the country to promise future positions, are ancient instruments that only serve to fatten and not to make Together for Change grow.
This makes doubts multiply about its true revolutionary capacity and about the fragility of an alliance that gives the impression that at any moment it will fracture as a result of hundreds of minor discussions.
The world indicates that the democracy of large coalitions is here to stay. These agreements cannot be mere partisan threads. They must win in organization, in representativeness with the election of authorities, in territorial deployment with provincial conductions and in concrete and detailed proposals with a cabinet in the shadows.
In short: prepare to win and, above all, to govern and end the decline of a Peronism that only seeks impunity for Cristina and eternalize power with a let’s wipe chavizante.
This should be the year of the consolidation of Together for Change to stop being a Gatherer for the Charge. That implies a lot of work and responsibility and postponing the individualistic delusions of presidential candidacies so that, in due course, they are defined by PASO.
Many non-fleeting coalitions in several countries have their governing bodies. It is not enough to seat the presidents of the parties at a table. Those responsible for driving Together for Change must be elected in an open vote, with a single paper ballot and a clean card, to set an example and show that it can be done. There are many ways to build this epic. The best known are to put to the consideration of the citizens several lists of 15 people that, obligatorily, have representatives of at least four parties. This forces the search for consensus, guarantees diversity and leaves no one out. At some historical date, a board of directors could be elected with popular support and not by agreement of the leadership. And authorities in each of the provinces and even in the large municipalities. Thus, there will be a president of Together for National Change, with several vice-presidents and in all districts.
This implies a gigantic effort to build democracy. A roadmap to the future that has 2023 as a refoundational stop. Open stores, take the militancy to the streets to bring ideas and listen to proposals from the independents who are the vast majority and commit to respecting a kind of manual of procedures. A regulation that has answers for all the difficulties that arise in such a diverse and plural alliance. There are many examples of Fronts or Coalitions that have already decided in advance what to do when a deputy misses a key session without authorization, or when a legislator goes over to the opponent’s bench in two minutes, or the type of requirements minimum that must be demanded of a new party in order for it to join.
More internal laws of coexistence and less cronyism and subjectivity.
But with the direct elections of coalition authorities and the operating code, it is not enough. A Disciplinary Court could be agreed upon, perhaps made up of the leaders who had the brilliant idea of lowering their stardom and adding their republican wills: Mauricio Macri, Ernest Sanz Y Elisa Carrio, for example.
Another quantitative leap in the face of society’s demands will be the so-called shadow cabinet. A replica of each of the ministries that currently exist with a group of ten specialists in each area. Their task will be to confront the regressive nonsense proposed by the government and to offer an alternative path that they will put into practice if they return to power. These teams of technicians and politicians should write the laws that will try to be approved in the first 100 days of the future government. Keep in mind that if that result occurs at the polls, it is likely that the nascent administration will have enough deputies and senators to move forward without too many obstacles.
These projects must be explained in detail and not with general sarasa. That would be the other task of these potential ministers and secretaries: to act as spokespersons for their proposals before the media and society.
It is no use talking about tax or labor reform. You have to explain in great detail how they will do it.
This Homeric activity could become a clear message to society. That the coalition is forever, that they have plans and not just figureheads, and that they obtain their representativeness from the popular vote.
Doing politics is generating organization and having the capacity to mobilize in serious situations. It’s not enough to warm up a bench in Congress or be brave and creative on Twitter.
After an end of the year that angered his own voters, the opposition must scare away that ghost of “they are all the same”. With its mistakes and rubbish, Together for Change is the newest massive political device that makes three elections that exceeds 40% of the votes, that had the first non-Peronist president in 90 years to hand over power in a timely manner and that It produced the worst electoral defeat in history for united Peronism. All this adds up and consolidates it as the best instrument for the middle class and non-Kirchnerist productive sectors. But a lot is missing. Mauricio Macri is a “primus inter pares”, but for now, the leadership must be collegiate and elected by its supporters. Because in the ten million votes that he got in his farewell from power are the hopes of those who are much more than the sum of the parties.
Today many of the most notorious leaders are distracted in enhancing their profiles and differentiating themselves from other potential competitors. The energy must be put into the best possible management for those who are governing and in building the most powerful, plural, sensitive and efficient coalition possible.
There is time, if time is not wasted.
At the end of the year, Together for Change, it will be able to exhibit how it has multiplied its capacities and only then, with a robust launching platform, will those who present themselves as candidates in the PASO play their cards.
One of the most serious mistakes in politics is eating dinner for lunch. Managing time turns leaders into statesmen. The construction of a resistant boat that has a clear course is permanent and essential. In 2023 there will be time to see who can be the best helmsman.